[Assam] Fwd: [christiancouncil] Rajasthan distorting text books

Tue Mar 28 06:26:54 PST 2006

Interesting how Ram is depicted by the writer as anti-Shudra and anti-tribal despite the fact that he ate Shabri's partly eaten food and had support and friendship of trubals (Vaanars) to win his war against Raavan.

   It is true that glorifying Golden Age of Indian civilization without mentions its demerits is bad - but why did Communists and so-called Ambedkarites oppose the NCERT's texbooks when they mentioned Sep 11 attacks in USA and Osama Bin Laden as a terrorst behind them. WHy did they not write that Stalin killed 10 million people or that Mao did the same  etc.

   WHat about historicity of Jesus - was he really the only son of God as portrayed in NCERT books written by communist ideologues - if they have objection to depcition of Ram and Krishna as divine incarnations.

  One sided history versus one sided history. WHat is good?

  However it is true that even the current Chief Minister is from a Royal family -a Rajput as has been the previous BJP CM. Rajasthan's Education ministers have always been so-called Brahmins. The Judiciary is co casteist that noone opposed the installation of a huge statue of Manu - the evil writer of casteist laws.

  Any comments?

  Umesh

Sam Paul <sampaul123 at Yahoo.com> wrote:
  To: christiancouncil at yahoogroups.com
From:Sam Paul <sampaul123 at Yahoo.com>
Date: Tue, 28 Mar 2006 09:02:44 +0530
Subject: [christiancouncil] Rajasthan distorting text books

Rajasthan School Textbooks: Glorifying Brahminism, 
Invisibilising Oppressed Castes

Yoginder Sikand

Caste and caste-based discrimination are fundamental realities of 
Indian life. Almost three-fourths of India's vast population belong to castes condemned by the Brahminical religion as 'low', having suffered
various forms of caste-related oppression for centuries at the hands 
of the so-called  casteshigh. Yet, this basic fact is completely 
glossed over in Indian school textbooks, which barely mention the word
'caste' or, if they at all do so, glorify the caste system as a 
supposedly ideal system of division of labour. The 'low' castes are 
thus almost completely invisibilised in the textbooks as they are in 
almost every walk of life. Along with this, the Vedic or Aryan 
civilization and the Brahminical religion, which form the very basis 
of the ideology of caste, are glorified as the epitome of Indian, and,
indeed, world, culture and as the bedrock of Indian national
identity.

Caste-based oppression is particularly rife in Rajasthan, a state 
where vestiges of feudalism are still very strongly rooted. Yet, 
social science textbooks prepared by the Rajasthan state educational
authorities and used in government schools do not mention the fact at 
all. Instead, the textbooks glorify Aryan civilisation, the progenitor 
of caste oppression, presenting it as the 'golden age' of Indian 
history. None of the heroes mentioned in the books as role models for 
students is a 'low' caste. 

Instead, besides the few non-Hindu figures, they are all 'high' caste 
Hindus, particularly Brahmins, thus reinforcing the tendency to define
Indian nationalism in strictly Brahminical terms. The textbooks also
mention nothing at all about grovelling poverty and oppression so 
rife in India and, instead, present a picture of Indian society as a 
homogenous unit, bereft of caste and class contradictions. The
textbooks clearly identify Hinduism with Brahminism, completely 
ignoring the fact that there is no such thing as a single Hinduism. 
They also remain silent on the existence of several traditions,
considered in some sense Hindu, that are definitely anti-Vedic and 
anti-Brahminical. Seeking to bring together all the different Hindu 
religions under a single, homogenous Brahminical umbrella, the text
meant for standard six students lays down what it considers to be an authoritative definition of Hinduism, one which is Vedic and 
Brahminical in essence. Thus, it says that despite the existence of
multiple traditions (panths) all the Hindu panths recognize the 
Vedas, ignoring completely the numerous Dalit, Tribal and other non-Savarna traditions that not only do not recognize the Vedas but 
are also explicitly anti-Vedic. The chapter insists that the Ramayana, Mahabharata and Gita are the main books of the Hindus, 
ignoring the vast numbers of Hindus who do not recognize these books
as theirs as well as the incisive critiques of these texts by Dalit 
ideologues.

It insists that the notion of rebirth and idol-worship are
important beliefs of the Hindus, ignoring the numerous Hindu 
traditions that deny these. The standard nine textbook presents Ram 
and Krishna as avatars who, it claims, have most heavily influenced
[sarvaddhik prabhavit] Indian lifestyle, thus conflating Brahminical 
culture with Indian culture and also denying Dalit and Adivasi
critiques of Ram and Krishna as upholders of caste and caste-based oppression. Naturally, there is no mention of Rams brutal slaying of 
the Shudra Shambhukh or Krishna declaring that the varna system was divinely ordained. 

Brahminical or Vedic civilisation, which laid the basis of the caste 
system, is repeatedly referred to in the textbooks as the alleged 
foundation of Indian culture. Thus, the social science text for class 
six students declares, The Vedas are the treasury of our culture, 
assuming thereby that all Indians must necessarily subscribe to Vedic 
Hinduism in order to be truly Indian. It talks of the Brahmin 
revivalist Shankaracharya, who played a key role in driving Buddhism 
out of India, as spreading Indian culture, by which, of course, is 
meant Brahminism. The social science studies text meant for students 
of Class nine has a lengthy chapter on the Vedic civilisation.

Expectedly, Vedic culture is described in glowing terms. In line with 
Hindutva arguments, the authors of the book dismiss the claim that the
Aryans were invaders (in order, perhaps, to underline the claim that 
only the Muslims and the Christian British invaded India) and argue 
that 'according to new research India is now being recognised as the 
original home of the Aryans. They refer to two obscure writers, 
Sampoornanand and Avinash Chandra Das (without providing any 
references to their writings), to press this claim and even to argue 
that the Aryans migrated from India to other countries and that they
did not invade India! They refer to two well-known and hardcore 
Hindutva ideologues, Rajaram and David Frawley, to argue that the 
Vedic peoples were the progenitors of 'an old global civilisation ' 
and that 'it must be accepted as older than the Egyptian and Sumerian 
and other ancient civilisations'. 

The Vedic civilisation is, predictably, portrayed in the chapter in 
ideal terms, bearing no relation with actual history as numerous 
scholars, including Marxists and Ambedkarites, have pointed out. Thus,
the class six text claims that the Vedas lay great stress on morality
and good values, such as helping the poor, the helpless, staying away 
from bad deeds and immorality and preach that the entire world is one
family. In the Vedic period, it claims, these values were very 
apparent and people helped one another [
] 

An important feature of Aryan culture was that everyone had mercy for 
all creatures. Likewise, the standard nine text says that the Vedas inspired humans to lead a life of simplicity and high thinking'. It 
argues that the Vedic Aryans selected their rulers democratically and
that the main role of the kings was to protect their subjects. In this
task they were assisted by Brahmin priests or purohits and army 
commanders. Denying the well-known fact that the Vedic Aryans ate beef
and other forms of meat and consumed alcohol, it claims that they were
vegetarians and teetotalers. 

The texts portray the Aryan caste system as a harmonious, non-oppressive and egalitarian form division of labour, completely 
contradicting what critical historians have argued. Thus, the standard
nine text claims that Vedic society was based on a system of four 
varnas and that one's varna was decided on the basis of one's worth, 
not birth. It mentions in this regard the Rig Vedic hymn that speaks 
of the Brahmins, Kshatriyas, Vaishyas and Shudras as similar to
different parts of the human body. These are presented as working 
together harmoniously without any contradiction or exploitation. The chapter does, however, mention, albeit only in passing, that in the 
later Vedic period, in some places there is mention of the varna 
system being transformed into one based on family. Crucially, even here there is no mention of caste oppression which is repeatedly attested to in all the Brahminical texts.

The chapter then goes on to a discussion of Brahminical Hinduism, 
praising it as the veritable epitome of ecumenism. 'Hinduism believes
in tolerance for all humanity', it says, conveniently overlooking the 
stern rules that virtually all the Brahminical Hindu texts lay down 
for the 'low' castes. 'The Upanishads speak of happiness of all 
creatures', it goes on, without mentioning the cruel oppression of 
the 'low' castes in the same scriptural tradition. 'Hinduism talks of 
the entire world as being one family', it claims, glossing over the 
fact that Hinduism has condemned the vast majority of the Indian 
people to sub-human status. It insists that Hinduism 'gave direction to world peace', overlooking the numerous stories of violence engaged in by Hindu deities against their 'asuric' opponents, who, if Dalit 
ideologues are to be believed, were none but their own ancestors, the 
original inhabitants of India.

The entire chapter is a crude piece of propaganda that, reflecting 
apologetic Brahminical or Hindutva discourse, does not seriously 
engage with the Brahminical tradition while at the same time seeking 
to ardently defend it. Since the textbooks seem to be specifically 
geared to presenting an idealized image of Brahminical Hinduism in 
line with the view of modern neo-Brahminical or Hindutva apologists, 
they do not, of course, refer to the darker side of the Vedas, 
particularly the violence and hatred directed against the dark-skinned
aboriginal peoples of India, references to which are found in 
abundance in the Vedas. As the noted historian David Lorenzen argues 
in his recent book, 'Who Invented Hinduism?: Esays on Religion in 
History' (Yoda Pres, New Delhi, 2006), Aryan or Vedic civilisation has little or no resemblance with the way it is portrayed in Hindu 
apologetic discourse. He writes that the Rig Veda is replete with 
negative references to the Dasas and Dasyus, the original inhabitants 
of India, progenitors of the Dalits and Adivasis of today, who are 
almost invariably described in lurid terms; as 'worshippers of the 
male phallus', 'not sacrificing', irreligious', 'without blessing', 
'godless', 'bereft of the Vedas' and so on. 'Whatever the Dasa 
religion was', Lorenzen says, 'the Aryas clearly regarded it as 
inferior to their own'. 

The Rig-Vedic Aryans were not opposed to the indigenous Indians on 
grounds of religious difference alone and the latter's resistance to 
the Aryan sacrifice-based religion. Another grounds for opposition was
skin colour. Lorenzen writes that the Rig Veda is replete with 
praises of various Aryan gods who are described as aiding the Aryans 
in their merciless slaughter of the non-Aryan dark-skinned original 
inhabitants of India. Thus, the Rig Veda [9.41.1] speaks of Soma as 
killing the black skin and of burn[ing] up the irreligious [
] the 
dark skin that Indra hates. It invokes the fire-god Agni and says, 
From fear of you the dark tribes went in all directions, abandoning 
their possessions [7.5.3]. It talks of Indra helping the sacrificing 
Arya by punishing irreligious men and [making] subject to Manu the 
black skin [1.101.1]. It invokes Indra as he who gives joy and, with
Rjisvan, [who] killed the black offspring [or the black pregnant 
women]. It specifically identifies Indras enemies as Dasyus and
refers to Indra as the Vrtra killer, the breaker of forts [who] tore 
to pieces female Dasas who had black vulvae. The Rig Veda invokes Indra as he who threw down the fifty thousand blacks and broke their 
forts as if [they were] old garments [4.13] and as he who drove away the blacks and killed the Dasas [6.47.21]. Indra is further lauded 
as one who killed the noseless [or mouthless] Dasyus with [his] weapon [5.29.10], and who, with his voice, killed many thousand 
inauspicious [women?] who had loud voices and spoke with disputatious 
speech [[10.235.5], this probably being a reference to speakers of non-Aryan indigenous languages.

Analysing these and other Rig Vedic verses, Lorenzon argues that the 
Rig Vedic evidence showing that the Arya warriors looked on themselves
as conquerors, modeled on Indra and the Maruts, is simply 
overwhelming. To suggest, even indirectly, that their movement into 
South Asia consisted primarily of more or less peaceful, small-scale 
migrations (or even infiltrations) by bands much smaller than such 
tribes seems to me to be implausible and contrary to the evidence that
exists. To make the Aryas into peaceful cowherds seems to me to 
imply that they followed some sort of pacifistic, Buddhist-like or
Jain-like ideology, whereas the rig Veda clearly shows just the 
opposite. Arya men dedicated much of their lives to war and battle. 
Hence, he insists, the conclusion that several large-size Arya groups
entered South Asia as invaders seems to be the only view that
corresponds to the Vedas. These darker aspects of Aryan culture and history are, of course, not referred to at all in the Rajasthan
textbooks, which are geared to presenting the Vedic period as Indias 
golden age, which, as Lorenzens critique clearly indicates,is 
completely unwarranted. 

The invisibiliation of the Dalits, Adivasis and other oppressed castes
in the textbooks is reflected not only in the glorification of Vedic 
culture but also in the almost total absence of any reference to these
communities at all. There is not a single mention of the Dalits, and 
the only reference to Adivasis appears in the standard seven text, in 
a chapter titled Rang Birangi Bharatiya Sanskriti (The Colourful 
Indian Culture), which describes the Adivasis in terms of their 
alleged exoticness. Thus, it says, in Nagaland, people put on masks
depicting animals and birds and dance. In the North-East, there are 
thick rain forests [
] and people here are short, flat-nosed 
and yellow in colour. Most of them live in tribes and love wearing 
colourful clothes. This is also the only reference to North-East India in all the books. The same chapter also refers briefly to the 
Adivasis of Central and East India, saying, Bihar has a large number 
of Adivasis as does Jharkhand. The Chhau dance here is famous and 
people dance wearing masks. Adivasi [men] wear dhotis till their knees
and women wear saris [sic.]. 

As the textbooks appear to see it, the low castes have not produced 
any heroes who are worth emulating. All the Hindu heroes mentioned in 
the books are upper castes, including a number of Hindu kings and 
the founders of the various Hindu religious movements. Indian history 
is presented as the history of Hindu (and Muslim) rulers and other 
elites, with no mention at all of ordinary people. The building of 
grand temples and palaces by various kings is elaborated upon in 
detail, but, expectedly, nothing at all is said of the oppression that
the low castes had to suffer and through whose exploitation the 
entire cultural edifice that that the textbooks glorify was built. 

Likewise, the textbooks portray the Indian freedom struggle as the 
effort of upper caste Hindu leaders, there being no mention 
whatsoever of Dalit, Adivasi, Shudra and Muslim freedom fighters. It 
is as if Gandhi and other upper caste leaders of the Congress alone 
won India freedom from the British. In this silencing of the 
non-upper caste Hindu role in the freedom struggle, Dalit and Muslim
leaders and organizations are portrayed in negative terms, as playing 
a divisive role and thereby working to strengthen British imperialism.
Thus, the text meant for students of class nine describes the Muslim 
League as a British creation and identifies it as the sole cause of 
the mass violence in India immediately prior to the Partition. Muslim 
and Dalit critiques of the Congress as an upper caste party, the 
significant Hindu supremacist element within the Congress, the consistent opposition of Hindu right-wing organizations, such as the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh and the Hindu Mahsabha, to the anti-imperialist struggle, their vociferous hatred of Muslims (and
Dalits) and their active role in violence directed against Muslims are
thus completely ignored. The only mention of non-upper caste figures
in the context of the freedom struggle is a veiled negative reference
to Babasaheb Ambedkar. It describes the decision by the British to 
grant separate electorates to Dalits in order to protect Dalit interests in 1932, but condemns this as dividing the Hindus and the 
national movement. It refers to Gandhi having persuaded Ambedkar to 
drop the demand for separate Dalit electorates, and, predictably, does
not mention how the latter agreed to do this much against his will.
Interestingly, this is the only mention of Ambedkar in all the texts. 

The textbooks invisibilisation of the oppressed castes and, indeed, 
of such basic facts of Indian life as poverty, communal violence and 
caste discrimination, is evident in the way they deal with 
contemporary Indian society. Not a word is mentioned about the darker 
aspects of Indian reality. Instead, the textbooks present Indian 
society as prosperous, free of all contradictions and as marching 
towards peace and progress for all. Thus, the class six textbook 
talks of various social groups based on profession, describing this division of labour as working for the good of all, without even a hint of a mention of class or caste oppression. Defending the class system it simply asks, If people associated with any profession stop working, imagine what difficulty we will face? 

The texts repeatedly refer to village and city life and make it a 
point to present the state as a benign institution, actively involved 
in promoting peoples welfare. That agencies of the state can do 
anything but this is thus ruled out completely. Thus, the textbooks 
deal in detail about various facilities provided, in theory, by the 
state for the public, presenting what is true in theory as true in 
practice as well. They mention various rights accorded to citizens by 
the Constitution without even mentioning the fact that for a very 
large section of the country's population these remain only on paper 
and mean virtually nothing at all. They talk about the legislature, 
the judiciary and the police as being actively engaged in promoting 
people's welfare, conflating principle with actual reality, and ignoring the active role of these institutions in sustaining the 
system of exploitation and oppression. Thus, for example, the standard
seven text proclaims, India is the biggest democracy in the world 
and this means that the people are the rulers and that they elect their rulers who, in turn, work for the public in accordance with 
the Indian Constitution. In turn, this means that no one can be 
exploited and no one can be paid less than a proper wage. 

The textbooks even go to the extent of uncritically glorifying 
globalisation and imperialism, which are playing such havoc with the
livelihoods and lives of millions of Dalits, Adivasis and similar 
sections among other marginalized communities such as Muslims. 
Thus, the class nine textbook hails Indias close alliance with 
America, piously proclaiming that both countries are democratic, committed to world peace, independence and respect for human rights [
]

Following the fall of the Soviet Union, the liberal economic policies 
have made relations between the two countries harmonious. It further 
claims that In the age of globalisation, due to its large area, population, huge middle class and economic potential, the USA has 
realized that Indias economic and political potential and democratic 
set-up cannot be ignored. The devastating costs of globalisation 
for millions of Dalits and other oppressed communities are thus 
carefully glossed over. The standard six textbook goes overboard in 
its enthusiasm for globalisation, going so far as to claim a Hindu origin for it! Thus, it claims, An important feature of Aryan society was the belief that all of humankind is one family and today expressed
in the form of globalisation. Rajasthans textbooks are not alone in 
their glorification of Brahminism, whitewashing its deep-rooted 
tradition of oppression, conflating it with Indian nationalism and 
invisibilising Dalits, Adivasis, Muslims and other marginalised 
communities.

It is likely that the same holds true in the case of texts used in 
many, if not most, Indian states. This urgently calls for organised 
efforts to critique the texts from a caste-class point of view and to 
build pressure on the state to take appropriate measures.

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Umesh Sharma
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 1-202-215-4328 [Cell Phone]

Ed.M. - International Education Policy
Harvard Graduate School of Education,
Harvard University,
Class of 2005

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