[Assam] Another Good Piece from the Sentinel
Chan Mahanta
cmahanta at charter.net
Sun Oct 15 19:34:01 PDT 2006
This is yet another well considered piece of editorial. I just can't
quite figure out why , or how, the Sentinel opinions go like a yo-yo,
from the well considered to outright propaganda on behalf of the same
India that makes "--complete mockery of the democratic rights" of its
people.
Emphases mine,
cm
A Fast with a Difference
At a time when violence has entered almost every facet of the average
citizen's life and the nation as a whole has been desensitized, Irom
Sharmila's fast has given new significance and meaning to the form of
protest perfected by the father of the nation. Six years ago, after
security forces in Manipur gunned down 10 persons near Imphal,
Sharmila began her fast demanding the scrapping of the notorious
Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act or AFSPA. The government has
detained her on charges of attempting suicide and she has been
force-fed all these years. The very fact that she succeeded in
removing herself to Delhi and now continues her protest in the heart
of the country's capital, has added a sort of mystique to the
struggle being put up by this frail woman from Manipur against the
might of the Indian state. By shifting the venue of her historic fast
from 'remote' Imphal to the nation's capital, Sharmila has succeeded
in taking the woes of the people of Manipur and the Northeast right
up to the doors of those who are still under the misconception that
the answer to the ills of the northeastern region lies primarily in
abrogating the rights of the peripheral people and by arming the
security forces with unlimited powers.
Last week we had occasion to refer to Sharmila's fast in this
column. We are writing about it once again because this is no
ordinary fast, especially in a country when fasting as a form of
protest has long since degenerated into a cheap gimmick. Irom
Sharmila's fast has not only succeeded in once again galvanizing the
people of Manipur in their fight against the Armed Forces (Special
Powers) Act and the blatant violations of human rights that have been
committed by the security forces, but it has also raised certain
fundamental questions about the character of the Indian nation-state
and its equations with the small ethnic nationalities struggling for
political space within (and sometimes outside) the Indian Union. The
very fact that the Indian state has tried to bypass a fast by a woman
for six years against one of its most autocratic and draconian
measures shows the inherent contradiction between the democratic
principles enshrined in our Constitution and the priorities of a
centralized nation-state. It is indeed a pity that in these 60 years
of freedom, there has been no concerted move on the part of
successive governments to resolve what may be called the basic
inconsistency between the conception of a modern nation-state and the
pervasive reality of the polyethnic and multinational character of
our country. Otherwise, New Delhi would not have reacted as it has
done in all these years to the popular outrage against a piece of
legislation which makes a complete mockery of the democratic rights
of the average citizen.
Apart from raising certain central issues about the character and
functioning of the Indian nation-state, Irom Sharmila's fast has
brought into focus the lack of transparency and accountability of the
Central government. When Manipur witnessed unprecedented waves of
popular protest against the AFSPA two years ago following the rape
and murder in army custody of Thangjam Manorama, Prime Minister
Manmohan Singh, in a much delayed move to assuage the feelings of the
Manipuri people, promised them that he would consider replacing the
AFSPA with a "more humane law that will address both the concerns of
national security and the rights of the citizens." As part of this
promise, the Justice Jeevan Reddy Committee was set up to review the
AFSPA and to recommend, if necessary, its replacement by a more
humane Act. It is significant that in both the Prime Minister's
assurance to the Apunba Lup delegation which met him towards the end
of November 2004 and in defining the parameters of the Reddy
Committee, there is a reference to a "more humane Act" which
obviously means that the Centre has accepted the fact that the AFSPA
is an inhuman Act and needs to be changed or replaced!
Yet, it is more than a year now since the Reddy Committee submitted
its report to the government and the UPA government does not have the
courage even to throw open the report to public debate, not to speak
of acting on the Committee's recommendations for a repeal of the
AFSPA. If the Prime Minister of a country cannot renege his pledge to
the people, then what can one expect but further alienation of the
Northeast from 'mainstream' India? The Centre's refusal to act on the
Jeevan Reddy Committee's findings not only reflects the inherent
prejudices and coloured mindset that continue to guide New Delhi's
approach towards this region, but, more importantly, it reveals the
ever-increasing influence of the security forces on the
decision-making process in relation to the Northeast. This was true
even when this region was quite free of militant politics. One may
recall that in response to the people's demand for a refinery in the
State, Nehru wrote to the then Assam Governor Fazl Ali in June 1957
that the refinery could not be set up in Assam because the "military
opinion was dead against it." Today, with the northeastern region
having been turned into a fully militarized zone, it is but natural
for the Prime Minister and his Cabinet to buckle under Army pressure
when it comes to repealing draconian measures like the AFSPA. Thus,
Sharmila's fast has highlighted some of the inherent contradictions
of the Indian state. And all those who are concerned about the proper
functioning of our democratic polity are indebted to her. Hers is a
fast that is a narrative of the aberrations of Indian democracy.
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