[Assam] Strong, secure, united INDIA

[jkk2020 at aim.com]

Whether you say it or not, your writing clearly gives the impression 
that you equate the domain of Hinduism with India. That is OK as a 
cultural concept, but it shouldn't be expanded to a political concept. 
India can be one cultural domain, but could be several countries in a 
political sense. Whether you say it or not, the undercurrent of your 
writing is that India and Hindus are synonymous. You justify the 
existence of political India on Hinduism-based arguments on Vedic 
arguments. That says you equate Hinduism and India. You do a disservice 
then to your main argument by saying things like "Nagalim in India" or 
"Kashmir is India"; this dilutes your argument because these places 
don't have too much of Hindu history or background!

I interpret your writings as "India is based on Hinduism, the religion 
of majority of its inhabitants. By reasons of history, those places 
that became parts of India MUST remain so even if they don't want to or 
even if they don't share a history. Because we Hindu Indians decide 
what's best for you! Once a colony, always a colony!"

You are a good writer and a good story teller; so you can couch the 
unpalatable in appealing stories and slogans and one-liners, but the 
import of what you say is still the same!

Jugal

-----Original Message-----
From: Himendra Thakur <hthakur at comcast.net>
To: jkk2020 at aim.com; assam at assamnet.org
Cc: umesh.sh05 at post.harvard.edu; Alpana B. Sarangapani 
<absarangapani at hotmail.com>; Barua25 <barua25 at hotmail.com>; 
hthakur at comcast.net; Indrajit Barua <ibarua at yahoo.com>; Manoj Das 
<dasmk2k at gmail.com>
Sent: Tue, 7 Mar 2006 02:22:16 -0500
Subject: Strong, secure, united INDIA

          

 Dear Jugal,

  

  The atmosphere in assam-net has become very tense. Is this is a 
symptom of our internal despondency because we are in the verge of 
losing our beloved land?

  

 Let me begin with your question :

    A question for you: You said that you fought against the British. 
Why? Why weren't you happy letting the British make decisions for you, 
rule you?"

  I must comment that, even before I could answer, you started to give 
answers on my behalf by saying 

    "The British were starting to allow multi-party elections and 
allowing natives to become Prime Ministers of the states and form 
cabinets?"

  

  I must clarify that my role in the fight against the British was 
very limited.  My fighting with the British started in 1942 when I was 
a nine-year old boy (do you want to hear the story?) , and ended in 
1947 when I was 14. If you want me to answer "You said that you fought 
against the British. Why?"  you may very well end up with  a few funny 
boyhood anecdotes.  Encouraged by the fact that Alpana and Umesh did 
like my Nagaland episode

    (Thank you Alpana ! Thank you Umesh ! I have a few more stories if 
you want!),

  I may tell you more about "my" fight with the British, provided you do 
not pour cold water with "although you may be able to regale us with 
some one-time stories"!!

  

  I protest to your comment "Your view of Hinduism as a nation is very 
limiting and not backed by any data".  Answers are negative to your 
questions "Why equate Hinduism to a country?"  "Why do you think 
Hinduism is a nation?" .

  

  I did NOT propound the "Two-Nation Theory" which would presume 
"Hinduism as a nation",  or, which will "equate Hinduism to a 
country".  Quaid-e-Azam Mahammad Ali Jinnah propounded the "Two-Nation 
Theory" which was the basis of his claim of Pakistan --- the Parliament 
of the Great Britain enacted "Indian Independence Act" on July 4, 1947 
to create Pakistan with those "places and the lands" of India where 
Muslims were in majority.  They did that without my support.  They are 
experts in partitioning countries, dividing people, combining 
territories, etc. etc. Why are you asking "me"  --- "Do you think all 
the places and the lands which are influenced by Christianity should be 
one country? What about Islam? Every land that is Islamic should be one 
country?"

  

  I never held a "view of Hinduism as a nation"; I did not "equate 
Hinduism to a country"; I never "think Hinduism is a nation."   Please 
back up your contentions, comments, inferences and conclusions by some  
data so that I may clarify any misunderstanding.

  

  In my effort to answer your question "Why do you think the same 
sentimentality cannot be shown "now"  by the Assamese, or the Nagas or 
the Kashmiirs?" I need a clarification, to consider the 
geopolitical strategies, whether you mentioned the Assamese, the Nagas, 
the Kashmiris jointly or severally    and why did you exclude the 
Khasi, the Garo, the Jayantiya,  the Nepalese, the Bodo, the Karbi 
Anglang, people living in Sikkim, Arunachal Pradesh, Andhra Pradesh, 
Madhya Pradesh, Meghalaya,  Maharashtra, Manipur, Mizoram, and many 
other places and the lands which are influenced by Christianity, from 
the consideration of showing the   same sentimentality .

  

  Do you think the  same sentimentality is good for the Assamese, the 
Nagas, the Kashmiris jointly &/or severally , but not good 
for the Khasi, the Garo, the Jayantiya, the Bodo, the Karbi Anglang, 
the Nepalese, people living in Sikkim, Arunachal Pradesh, Andhra 
Pradesh, Madhya Pradesh, Meghalaya,  Maharashtra, Manipur, Mizoram, 
etc.?

  

  I sincerely believe that we must work to build a strong, secure, 
united India.

  

 With the best wishes,

 Himendra

  

  


 ----- Original Message -----  From: <jkk2020 at aim.com>
 To: <hthakur at comcast.net>; <barua25 at hotmail.com>
 Cc: <assam at assamnet.org>
 Sent: Monday, March 06, 2006 4:05 PM
 Subject: Re: [Assam] NAGALIM is INDIA



Himen da,

Do you think all the places and the lands which are influenced by
Christianity should be one country? What about Islam? Every land that
is Islamic should be one country? Why equate Hinduism to a country?
Your view of Hinduism as a nation is very limiting and not backed by
any data. Let the Nagas or the Kashmiris decide if they want to be a
part of India, not the other way around. What's wrong with there being
several/many countries that have been influenced by Hinduism? What's
the flaw in that? Why do you think Hinduism is a nation?


You say "Meghalaya is India" or "Assam is India".  No, you should say
"Meghalaya is a part of India" or "Assam is a part of India". Most
Indians don't care about Meghalaya or Assam, although you may be able
to regale us with some one-time stories to counter it, Indians just
want the land that is Meghalaya or Assam, they don't care about the
local populations. Indians are scared the map of their country will be
reduced if Assam or Kashmir or Nagaland goes away, that's the true
story.  In the case of Meghalaya or Arunachal, the Indians even made up
their names or their indenitites without asking them. Which language of
Meghalaya actually has the word "Meghalaya" in it? It's definitely
Sanskrit-based and as far as I know Khasi, Garo or Jayantiya doesn't
have such a word in it. The same with Arunachal Pradesh. It's the
Indian big brother, the Hindu big brother deciding what's good for
others.

A question for you: You said that you fought against the British. Why?
Why weren't you happy letting the British make decisions for you, rule
you? The British were starting to allow multi-party elections and
allowing natives to become Prime Ministers of the states and form
cabinets? Why do you think the same sentimentality cannot be shown now 
by the Assamese, or the Nagas or the Kashmiirs? What makes you/Indians
decide what's best for peoples who may not be willing to be a part of
India, just like you didn't want to be a part of the British
nation/empire? Right now, their is an Indian unelected "viceroy" or
governor on the top of every state just like the British had unelected
"high commissioners" and "viceroys" sitting on top of incipient elected
governments in the 1920s, 1930s and 1940s.

Jugal

-----Original Message-----
From: Himendra Thakur <hthakur at comcast.net>
To: Barua25 <barua25 at hotmail.com>
Cc: assam at assamnet.org
Sent: Sun, 5 Mar 2006 09:07:54 -0500
Subject: [Assam] NAGALIM is INDIA

        Dear Rajen,
 
  I am sorry to read "Let Nagalim lead the NE including the kharkhwa
litikai Asomias. " --- this maybe seen as "inferiority complex" of
Asomiya, which is NOT an Assamese chacteristic. Kindly email (to my
name) a definition of the term "kharkhwa litikai " which I have missed.
 
  There is nothing wrong in the name NAGALIM, but it is definitely a
mistake to break away from India that I saw in their website. Nagalim
is India as Punjab is India, Bengal is India, Manipur is India, Bihar
is India, Assam is India, Tamil Nadu is India, Gujarat is India,
Arunachal Pradesh is India, Andhra Pradesh is India, Meghalaya is
India, Maharashtra is India, and so on.
 
  I have a deep personal feeling about the suffering that the Naga
people have gone through and I completely agree with you that
"... Nagas have done lot of sacrifice", but I am sure we can make them
forget that with our love. Instead of looking backward into the
negative acts of a bunch of denigrated bureaucrats and their
degenerated leaders, let us look forward into a positive atmosphere of
intimate understanding, mutual respect, and love --- which is the crux
of Indian civilization where Nagas participated since the days of
Mahabharata. The non-aryan Atharva Veda, older than all other three
Veda, influenced all braches of Indian philosophy with its inner core
of Advaita, as visualized in the unique dream-theory of Mandukya
Upanishad. Mandukya Upanishad belongs to Atharva Veda of Kirata people
and gives the meaning of the symbol Om, which we see everywhere in
India. This led the thought in other Upanishads, and in Chandogya
Upanishad, we find "yadeva kham tadeva kam iti" "Whatever is the
Sky, so is Love."
 
 With love to everybody,
 Himendra
 
 
 
 ----- Original Message -----
  From: Barua25
 To: Manoj Das
 Cc: umesh.sh05 at post.harvard.edu ; assam at assamnet.org
 Sent: Sunday, March 05, 2006 1:51 AM
 Subject: Re: [Assam] on your writing , Letter to the President of India


  Nagalim sounds better than Naga Pradesh or Nagastan to me.
Nagalim also sounds more Nagamese than Nagaland. If the Mizos can have
Mizoram, why the Nagas cannot have Nagalim? They have my vote. I would
say, go for it. I think they are waiting to get the bigger Nagalim with
some parts of Assam, Manipur and AP. I think the Nagas have done lot of
sacrifice. It is rewards time now. Let Nagalim lead the NE including
the kharkhwa litikai Asomias.
 RB
 ----- Original Message -----  From: "Manoj Das" <dasmk2k at gmail.com>
 To: "Barua25" <barua25 at hotmail.com>
 Cc: <umesh.sh05 at post.harvard.edu>; <assam at assamnet.org>
 Sent: Sunday, March 05, 2006 12:32 AM
 Subject: Re: on your writing , Letter to the President of India



Nagas would like it to be called NAGALIM, Umesh.

On 3/5/06, Barua25 <barua25 at hotmail.com> wrote:
> What is wrong with Nagaland?
> RB
> ----- Original Message -----
> From: umesh sharma
> To: assam at assamnet.org
> Sent: Saturday, March 04, 2006 1:24 PM
> Subject: Re: [Assam] on your writing , Letter to the President of
India
>
>
> An intersting bit of info about his life in Nagaland - by
Himendra-da. By
> the way some have hangups why Nagaland - isn't called Nagapradesh or
> Nagastan etc --why "land"
>
> Umesh
>
> Barua25 <barua25 at hotmail.com> wrote:
> The one and only I think.
> RB
> ----- Original Message -----
> From: Chan Mahanta
> To: Ankur Bora ; Himendra Thakur ; assam at assamnet.org
> Sent: Saturday, March 04, 2006 11:59 AM
> Subject: Re: [Assam] on your writing , Letter to the President
of
> India
>
>
> Hi Ankur:
>
>
> Was it Mr. Barkatatki who ordered the police firing at Kohima,
> resulting in dozens of civilian deaths that touched off the Naga armed
> rebellion, by any chance?
>
>
> c-da
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
> At 9:40 AM -0800 3/4/06, Ankur Bora wrote:
> Dear Himendra Thakur ,
>
> It was a pleasure going through your writing. When I was in
school ,
> I was an ardent fan of Satyen Barkataki ( pls correct me if I
mis-spelled
> ) and Birendra Bhattacharjee. Some of their writings vividly
portraited Naga
> life and society. Please let us know if you had interaction with
Barkataki (
> He was assistant commissioner in Nagaland) and Bhattacharjee ( His
Eyarungam
> was based on Nagaland).
> I am eagerly waiting to read more of your writing.
> Ankur
> Dallas , Texas
>
> Himendra Thakur <hthakur at comcast.net> wrote:
>
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>
> Dear Netters,
>
> After Mr. Chandan Mahanta accused me on December 27, 2005
for
> posting a "personal experience" with Mr. JM Lyngdoh as "the anecdote
you
> cite here --- merely points to your importance, as demonstrated by the
> courtesy you received from him . with the hour long interview" .. I
> carefully avoided posting of any autobiographical note in the
assam-net.
>
> However, since Mr. Chandan Mahanta himself is now posting
> autobiographical notes and anecdotes as "Let me share one of my own
> experiences here" --- I am gathering some courage to post my
"experience
> here" . some of these stories maybe quite a funny relief for the
netters!
>
> Mr. Chandan Mahanta writes that "My nick-name at IIT KGP was
> 'Naga'"
>
> Well, I was also called a "Naga" --- not in IIT Kharagpur,
but
> right inside Nagaland where I served as an Executive Engineer during
the
> stringent days be! fore the "Peace Agreement" was initiated by the
Peace
> Commission of the late Jai Prakash Narayan, Bimala Prasad Chaliha and
> Reverend Scott in 1965.
>
> At that time, Executive Engineers were frequently shot dead
by the
> underground rebels. Every morning when I went out to work, citing the
story
> of Field Marshall Rommel of the Second World War, I used to tell my
wife
> that I might not come back in the evening . rather, they might bring
me in a
> stretcher or inside a box. My wife used to cry at the beginning, but
very
> soon she got used to it . "No matter how much he brags, this guy
always
> comes back every evening, anyway," she must have thought!!
>
> There were some narrow escapes, after ! which I made a
public
> announcement that I never carried any weapon in my jeep. Scrapping the
> green-blue camouflage painting of my army jeep, I got my jeep painted
> absolutely white so that anybody could spot it from distance. If they
were
> interested, they were free to shoot, I announced publicly. Later,
when the
> Peace Commission came, we painted all the Peace Commission vehicles
white.
>
> I went from village to village fixing their water supply,
schools,
> dispensaries, hospitals. Being an Executive Engineer, working against
the
> vested interest of many, I had to fight tooth and nail to get the
work done,
> . and they liked it, because Nagas were born fighters, they thought I
was
> one of them. One fantastic point in their land was that all
agreements were
> verbal . nobody would go back on what they said . they were used! to
take
> full responsibility of what they said. One day, two Gaonburhas
started a
> fight right in front of me during my visit to a village border,
because one
> Gaonbura accused the other Gaonburha that he was working in his land
(every
> village is an exclusive territory in Nagaland, like the City States of
> ancient Greece) --- I quickly placed myself in between the two
Gaonburhas
> and told them that they would have to kill me because it was my
fault, I
> gave the wrong assignment by mistake. They cooled down, and I assigned
> another contract to the losing Gaonburha --- who christened me as an
> "Asomiya Naga"!! I have a number of interesting episodes in Nagaland,
which
> I'll share with netters if they want.
>
> As for the being called a "Naga", it is very important to
know the
> answer to the question: who is a Naga? There are some fourteen tribes
in the
> mountainous regio! n that is known as Nagaland. Each one of the
tribes has
> their own language, customs, and name . they don't call themselves
Naga .
> they are Ao, Angami, Sema, Lotha, etc. They do not understand each
other's
> language. They communicate with a lingua franca known as Nagamese,
which is
> a form of broken Assamese.
>
> I was serving mostly in Mokakchung, which is essentially an
Ao
> area. Greeting me with a joke "Amikhan Ao Naga achey, tumikhan
Asomiya Naga
> Achey" --- they would burst out laughing!! We were all Ao Naga, Sema
Naga,
> Asomiya Naga, Lotha Naga, Angami Naga, Koniak Naga . and so on.
>
> Joining in their free laughter, I used to argue with them
about
> Bengali Indian, Bihari Indian, Assamese Indian, Naga Indian, Punjabi
Indian
> --- their ! response to such an argument was: "sahabto bar budhiyak
achey
> dei !" --- followed by more laughter!!
>
> Stereotyping people by their birth is a sign of gross
ignorance,
> which is displayed not only by the witless Army/Navy Guards (Utpal
Brahma's
> posting), but by very intelligent people as pointed out by Mr. Sanjib
Barua
> in his article. In the assam-net, Mr. Mukul Mahanta stereotyped Mr.
Lyngdo
> as "Khasi Christian". Stereotyping is a sign of gross stupidity like
what
> one top India leader remarked about the late Birendra Kumar
Bhattacharya
> when he went to New Delhi in 1980 to accept his Jnanapith Awa! rd :
> "Although Mr. Birendra Kumar Bhattacharya lives in Assam and writes in
> Assamese, we consider him as an Indian writer." This was from a top
Indian
> leader, absolutely degenerated into such a low level that even a
> rickshaw-puller would be ashamed of.
>
> Inter-caste, inter-ethnic marriages across all the barriers
of
> language, religion, nationality, etc., will be a very powerful tool
to stop
> the stupid stereotyping of people. Stupid stereotyping of people is
the
> theme of my drama "Baagh" (1969) &/or "Bindu" (1993).
>
> When I was in Nagaland, a yo! ung, educated,
"first-generation
> Christian" Ao woman fell in love with an Assamese Hindu young man.
They
> disclosed their quandary to my wife, who told me that I must help
them. The
> bride told me that she had a very powerful aunt in the underground,
might be
> next to Phizo in the Ao area.
>
> "What did your aunt say?" I asked the bride.
> "My Aunt asked for two tablets of Novalgin."
>
> Novalgin was a kind of a powerful head-ache medicine in
those
> days! If a powerful underground lady wanted two tablets of a very
powerful
> headache medicine, the problem must be very hard for an "Asomiya
Naga" like
> me!! However, I did not give up. "Did you tell your father?" was my
next
> question.
> "Yes, I did."
> "What did he say?"
> "He asked me "What will happen to your religion?""
> Now this was an interesting turning point. Holding my
breadth, I
> asked, "What did you say?"
> "I told him that I would go back to my grandfather's
religion",
> the bride replied.
> Sensing some danger, I blurted out my next question" What
did he
> say?"
> "He did not say anything. Instead, he gave me a such a slap
that I
> fell down three feet away" was her sad reply.
>
> I could now see the gravity o! f the problem. It took me
overnight
> thinking to find the solution. Next day, I called the groom privately
to my
> room and told him that we would write a letter to the President of
India.
>
> "What ???" the groom almost jumped off his chair.
>
> "Yes. The President of India. Dr. Sarvapalli Radhakrishnan.
I'll
> draft the letter on your behalf and get it typed. You just sign it
and mail
> it to him. It is his job, not mine---" was my cool answer.
>
> My draft of the letter from the groom to the President of
India
> ran like something ! this: "Respected Dr. Radhakrishnan, .. My mother
passed
> away many years ago, my father died last year, I am an orphan now,
and I
> don't have anybody to advice me what to do. You are the Father of the
> Nation, I beg you to show me the path ." so on.
>
> It was just a one-page letter from the groom, wondering how
he and
> his bride could get married, seeking the advice from Dr. Sarvepalli
> Radhakrishnan, President of India from 1962 to 1967 ---- 40 odd years
ago!!
>
> This posting is already getting too long. Let me stop here.
If the
> netters want to hear the rest of the story, I'll write later. In the
mean
> time, let me try to contact the bride and the groom and ask them if I
could
> divulge ! their names and dig up the original letters!!
>
> With love to everybody,
> Himendra
>
> ----- Original Message -----
> From: Chan Mahanta
> To: assam at assamnet.org
> Cc: baruah at bard.edu
> Sent: Friday, March 03, 2006 11:10 AM
> !
> Subject: [Assam] A new politics of race: India and its
Northeast
>
>
>
>
> Dear Netters:
>
>
> The following is a very interesting and enlightening
article by
> Sanjib Baruah. He was hesitant to post it to assamnet because of its
length.
> But I felt it something we cannot afford to miss.So here it comes.
>
>
> The emphasis on bell hooks' name is mine, so people don't
miss
> it. I did.
>
>
> cm
>
>
>
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>
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>
>
>
>
>
> IIC Quarterly (New Delhi: India International Centre)
> Vol. 32 (2& 3) Winter, 2005) pp. 165-76
> A new politics of race: India and its Northeast
> Sanjib Baruah
> There was a time when peoples of Northeast India were
described
> as belonging to the Mongoloid race. ! Today Mongoloid and other
racial
> categories such as Negroid or Caucasoid -- and indeed, the very idea
of race
> as a biological category -- have no standing in scientific circles.
For
> there is more diversity of gene types within what was once thought of
as a
> single 'race' than between 'races.'
>
> But while race may no longer be accepted as a scientific
> category, it does not mean that human beings would stop making
distinctions
> based on stereotypical phenotypes or skin colour. Arunachalis,
Assamese,
> Garos, Khasis, Manipuris, Mizos, Nagas and Tripuris may indeed have
some
> phenotypical similarities related to genetics. Thus one may be able
to say
> that someone is from Northeast India based on looks, though he or she
may
> not always get it right. For "human populations . . . possess a wide
genetic
> potential which increases in variation through chance mutations or new
> generic combinations in each generation. . . . Completely stabilized
> breeding isolates. . . are exceedingly rare" ! ; (Bowles 1977, cited
in
> Keyes, 2002: 1166). And of course, most of us realise that what we
think of
> as the 'Northeastern looks' are not unique to peoples from the
region. For
> instance, peoples from the western Himalayas -- those from Nepal or
the
> Uttaranchal -- might share features similar to those found among
peoples in
> the eastern Himalayas.
>
> Race as a social category is the product of practices.
There are
> visual regimes of labeling, and individuals encountering those labels
from
> childhood may internalise characteristics associated with those
labels and
> learn to adapt to the socially constructed racial order.
>
> African American intellectuals have long recognised the
role of
> visuality in the politics of race. The writer bell hooks -- even her
way of
> writing her name without capital letters is an intervention in the
regime of
> visuality -- describes her project as one of 'resisting
representation' and
> of constructing an 'oppositional! gaze.' "We experience our collective
> crisis as African-American people," she writes, "within the realm of
the
> image" (hooks, 1992). The project of black liberation, for her, is
thus a
> battle over images.
> The Indian image of the troubled Northeast is increasingly
> mediated by a visual regime constructed by popular films, television,
> pictures in magazines and newspapers, and limited contacts with
people from
> the region. Thanks to improved communications, Indians today are
quite
> mobile, and Northeasterners travel to other parts of the country more
than
> ever before. There are a large number of students from the region in
Delhi,
> Bangalore, Mumbai, Pune, Kolkata and other cities. They are now a
'visible
> minority' in a number of university campuses. A disturbingly large
number
> of them tell stories about their experiences of being racially
labeled as
> 'Chapta' (flat nosed), 'Oriental' or 'Chinky'.
> A large number of Northeast Indian young women are e!
mployed in
> upscale restaurants and shops in Delhi - their 'Oriental' looks and
English
> language skills being considered desirable for those positions. Many
of
> them live in ethnic ghettos, for instance, renting rooms and
apartments in
> 'lal dora' areas: the urban villages of Delhi. Apart from rents being
> affordable, they feel physically safer than in upscale neighbourhoods.
> Compared to landlords in elite neighbourhoods, these landlords of more
> modest means are tolerant of Northeast Indian eating habits --
fermented dry
> fish, beef chutney and pork -- and less inclined to impose
restrictions on
> the lifestyles of their tenants. However, racially marked niches in
the
> labour market or in settlement patterns have the danger of reinforcing
> racial thinking. Incidents of violence against Northeast Indian women
in the
> country's capital may partly reflect the racialisation of the divide
between
> the mainland and the Northeast.
> While many Northeasterners travel to the mainland, !
thousands
> of Indian soldiers and members of the various paramilitary
organisations
> make the reverse journey to the region to fight external threats as
well as
> on counter-insurgency duties. In the streets and paddy fields of the
region
> security forces stop and interrogate Northeasterners every day. The
soldier
> himself faces an unenviable situation: the most peaceful of
surroundings can
> quickly turn hostile and he has to be alert against possible
offensives by
> militants. Some sort of racial profiling becomes inevitable under
these
> conditions, especially since we have no laws prohibiting it. As
Indian
> soldiers return home, their stories of 'treacherous' rebels hiding
behind
> bamboo groves and jungles spread through friends and relatives. The
shared
> visual regime provides ways of putting those stories and faces
together.
> Northeast India's fractured relation with the mainland
has been
> described as a cultural gap, an economic gap, a psychological gap and
an
> emotio! nal gap. The shared visual regime now carries the danger of
this
> fault-line becoming racialised.
> II
> Mani Ratnam's film of 1998 Dil Se is a love story between
a
> woman militant from the Northeast and an All India Radio journalist.
The
> male protagonist Amar, played by Shah Rukh Khan, travels to the
Northeast to
> speak to fellow citizens for a radio programme to celebrate the
fiftieth
> anniversary of India's independence. He develops a relationship with
a
> local woman Meghna, played by the Nepalese-born Manisha Koirala.
> If Bollywood gossip is to be believed, Manisha Koirala was
> chosen for the role partly because of her 'small eyes.' Director Mani
> Ratnam, according to Aishwarya Rai, "definitely wanted a small-eyed
girl in
> Dil Se. She had to have that kind of physical features as she was
supposed
> to be from Assam" (Rai, 2000). The caste of Dil Se also included a
number
> of Assamese actors, among them filmmaker Gautam Bora, who played the
role of
> the chief of a militant group.
> The film's story unfolds between the fiftieth
anniversary in of
> Indian independence on August 15th 1997 and the Republic Day on
January
> 26th. While All India Radio reporter Amar embodies the Indian nation,
> Meghna represents the horrors of life in the Northeast torn apart by
> insurgencies and counter-insurgency operations. Amar defends the
nation
> against rebels bent on tearing it apart.
> The Northeast of Dil Se is a dangerous place where women
are
> raped and families are destroyed. Life in Delhi could not be more
different:
> the film portrays it as a middle class city where tranquil family
life and
> traditional family values prevail. Meghna in the nation's capital is
a
> danger to both nation and family. She is on a suicide mission to blow
> herself up at the Republic day parade. As a guest at Amar's home she
is an
> awkward presence at a time when the family prepares for his arranged
> marriage. "Had it not been for the army, the na! tion would have
been torn
> to shreds," says Amar to Meghna. It is "your nation, not mine," says
Meghna
> in defiance.
> III
> Am I making too much out of a film? Perhaps. But what if
we are
> beginning to look at people from the Northeast through the prism of a
visual
> regime exemplified by films like Dil Se? What if after nearly half a
century
> of counter-insurgency, the counter-insurgent gaze is framing our way
of
> seeing peoples from the Northeast?
> Films like Dil Se and pictures in newspapers and magazines
> enable people to put together a mental picture of the Northeast and
its
> people. The gaze of the Indian army patrol, reinforced by films like
Dil
> Se, gives meaning to what is fast becoming a racial divide.
> There are signs that we are slowly beginning to recognise
this
> new politics of race, though we seem to be as yet unsure whether to
use the
> 'r' word. A Manipuri journalist wrote in a national daily that,
"physically
> the people of the North-east are closer ! to Southeast Asia and
China."
> However, "this racial divide," he said, is not appreciated "in a
sensitive
> manner" (Singh, 2004). The journalist told me that the 'r' word was
edited
> out at one place in the printed version. He had actually written,
"racially
> the people of the Northeast are closer to South-east Asia and China."
> Apparently the editors substituted the term 'physical' for 'racial.'
> However, his second usage of the 'r' word -- in racial divide -
remained in
> the published text.
> Let me turn to a small sample of writings by
Northeasterners who
> have been students in mainland India, recalling their experience of
being
> seen as different and encountering racial labels. "I did my
schooling in a
> boarding school in India," recalls a Manipuri living in Kuala Lumpur,
> Malaysia. He was the only student from the Northeast in that school.
He
> posted the following on an email discussion group:
> Being the only minority I was subjected to many racist
comme!
> nts . . . The one that I still remember clearly was my being called
"Chapta"
> (flat nose - for those fortunate ones that never heard the term) by
my Hindi
> teacher. The word "chinki" . . . is peddled around with not even a
little
> thought of whether the term could offend someone, by even my closest
> friends. I came in contact with some Mayangs (the Manipuri term for
other
> Indians) here and it shocked me that despite my being there amongst
them
> they refer to the other Asians as chaptas still with no consideration
that I
> could find it offensive. Even on my bringing up the issue they just
laughed
> it off saying they saw nothing offensive in it. So I have now
resorted to
> referring them as "Pakis" and that really seems to anger them. For
those who
> don't know about it, "Pakis" is a racist term used in Britain to
refer to
> people with the sub continent features (Pakistan, Indian, Srilankan
etc.) So
> the next time you hear any mayang using the word chinki or chapta,
call them
> a "Paki". I think once! this word gets common usage as a term to
refer to
> them by all the people of the north east they will finally realize
what it
> is like to be referred by a racist term (Manipur Diaspora, 2004;
cited in
> Ray 2005).
> In Kuala Lumpur, he wrote, because of his features he had
a hard
> time convincing people that he was an Indian. He got tired of
explaining
> that he was from India since he "didn't look like the Indians they
knew."
> On the other hand, he said, he was "able to melt into the crowd and
it was
> easier making friends with the Chinese and Malays" (Manipur Diaspora,
2004;
> cited in Ray 2005).
>
> At a seminar in Pune a Naga student joked that after
coming to
> Pune he became "half Naga, and half Indian", while he was "a complete
> Indian" before. He elaborated that in Pune, shopkeepers, doctors,
teachers
> and government officials, everybody treated him as Japanese or Chinese
> because of his features. He was asked to show his passport when
applying for
> admission to college (cited in Das, 2004). While doing fieldwork in
> Manipur, anthropologist Sohini Ray asked a young student about his
first
> visit to Mumbai. He told her that "the first thing he and his
companions
> found difficult was that every other person asked them where they
were from,
> and stared at them." When they said Manipur, people asked where it
was and
> if it was really in India. To avoid such uncomfortable encounters
after a
> few days they started saying that they were from Thailand, because
"it was
> more convenient" (cited in Ray, 2005).
>
> An Assamese woman describes her first year as a student
in Delhi
> University (1996-97), as follows: "I didn't look 'Oriental' - the
> politically correct term they'd devised in lieu of the derogatory
sounding
> 'chinky'. So I didn't have to face some of the stupider questions. My
friend
> from Mizoram was asked if she needed a passport to come to India." The
> 'Oriental' looking among us," did not have to go through hazing, she
> recalled si! nce "Indians are always nice to foreigners" (Goswami,
2004).
>
> IV
>
> The emergence of a racial label to include all
'indigenous'
> Northeasterners fits nicely with the category 'the Northeast' that
since
> 1971, in the words of a retired senior civil servant who played a key
role
> in designing this political order, has "emerged as a significant
> administrative concept . . replacing the hitherto more familiar unit
of
> public imagination, Assam" (Singh, 1987a: 8). In 1971 a number of
the new
> states were created (though not all of them were states at the
beginning),
> and another piece of legislation gave birth to the North Eastern
Council
> (NEC). These two laws were 'twins born out of a new vision for the
> Northeast' (Singh, 1987a: 117).
>
> Unlike the distinction between tribal and non-tribal that
is an
> important part of our vocabulary in discussing the Northeast, the
racial
> label has the advantage of including all those who belong to the
troubled
> region,! and, is perceived as being connected to the troubles. For
> instance, a majority of the plains people of Manipur and Assam are not
> "tribal" which, after all, is an arbitrary governmental category.
However,
> the Assamese and Manipuri insurgencies are among the most potent in
the
> region. Thus the distinction between tribal and non-tribal is not very
> useful when it comes to discussing insurgent Northeast India. Since
tribal
> and non-tribal Northeasterners share certain stereotypical phenotypes
in
> common, the racial label has become more functional.
>
> The racial label incorporates meanings that predate the
era of
> insurgency and counter-insurgency. Willem van Schendel, writing
mainly with
> Bangladesh and the Chittagong Hill Tracts in mind, comments on the
> "remarkably stagnant view of the hill people" that has prevailed in
South
> Asia. The classic nineteenth century Western assumptions about social
> evolution from a state of savagery to civilisation were superimposed
on t!
> he ancient South Asian distinction between civilised society and
nature. The
> later distinction, indicated in the categories grama (village) and
aranya
> (forest), implies a relationship that is complementary but always
unequal.
> These two traditions, writes van Schendel, combined to generate a
dominant
> view that considers the tribal peoples as remnants of some "hoary
past who
> have preserved their culture unchanged from time immemorial. Backward
and
> childlike, they need to be protected, educated and disciplined by
those who
> are more advanced socially" (van Schendel, 1995: 128). The visual
label of
> race that transcends the colonial categories of tribal and non-tribal
and
> reaches out to pre-colonial categories such as the Kirata people --
used to
> describe the people of the periphery - may now give a new lease of
life some
> old Indian prejudices.
>
> Responsible Indian officials have from time to time used
the
> metaphor of children to describe the peoples of Northe! ast India. In
> February 2004 the Mizoram Governor A.R. Kohli described the entire
region as
> a spoilt child. Contrary to the charge that the Northeast is "the most
> neglected region," he said it is "in fact, the most spoilt child in
the
> country." The central government, he said, "showers funds and other
goodies"
> liberally on the region. But the funds are not properly utilized or
they do
> not reach the intended beneficiaries. A news report paraphrased the
Governor
> as comparing the region "to a petulant child who is showered with
goodies
> but does not know what to do with them" (Telegraph 2004).
>
> Such sentiments are also found in the language used by
B.P.
> Singh - the former civil servant who played a key role in the
creating the
> Northeast as an administrative category. In an article published in
1987, he
> concluded:
>
> There is no tangible threat to the national integration
ethos in
> the region despite the operation of certain disgruntled elements
within the
> ! region and outside the country. But in the context of a history of
limited
> socialization and ethnic conflicts, and rapid modernization after
1947 the
> unruly class-room scenario is likely to continue in the region for
years to
> come (Singh, 1987b: 281-82).
>
> "Unruly class-room" is a telling metaphor. In the
Northeast,
> Singh seems to imply, what is needed is a paternalistic and
disciplinarian
> teacher - someone who knows what is good for children and,
occasionally uses
> the stick for their own good, the role that he probably sees the
coercive
> apparatus of the Indian state playing in the region.
>
> These passages smack of attitudes and habits of mind that
long
> predate the politics of counter-insurgency. But while these
prejudices are
> old, they have acquired new meaning in the context of India's failed
> policies in the Northeast. While Singh's metaphor of an "unruly
class-room"
> rationalises the coercive response to insurgency, Kohli's description
of the
> region a! s a "spoilt child" expresses the frustration with the
failures of
> a policy of nation-building through corruption or what Jairam Ramesh
calls
> "using corruption as a mode of cohesion" (Ramesh, 2005: 18).
> V
> What are the some of the consequences of the
racialisation of
> the divide between India and its Northeast?
> 1, Motivation for militancy: According to Manipuri
intellectual
> and politician Gangmumei Kamei, a major motivation for joining
insurgent
> groups in Manipur is the social discrimination that young Manipuris
face in
> different parts of India because of their appearance (cited in Ray
2005).
> Race has been a factor in the Meitei religious revival movement of
the 1940s
> as well. Some revivalists converted to the newly formed faith "only
after
> returning from pilgrimages to Mathura and Brindavan, where their
Southeast
> Asian features raised curiosity and animosity among the local
population."
> The racial divide, according to anthropologist Sohini Ray,! is
central to
> understanding the Meitei urge for constructing an alternative
history. A
> constituency for an alternative geneology emerged when "the whole
idea of
> sharing a common ancestry with the people who are hostile to them for
their
> looks" became unacceptable (Ray 2005).
> 2. Perpetuating a divide: While official narratives about
> counter-insurgency view each Northeastern insurgency as distinct; the
racial
> label disrupts this narrative. As a result the differences between
> political conditions in different parts of the Northeast have no
effect on
> popular perceptions about the 'disturbed' region, since racial
thinking do
> not allow for such distinctions. For instance, the Mizo insurgency
that
> ended with a peace accord in 1986 is usually portrayed as a success
story.
> Yet that does not mean that Mizo relations with mainland India are any
> different from that with other parts of the Northeast. Even today
Mizos
> such as Laltluangliana Khiangte complain! about mainstream India not
> understanding their culture and traditions, and about Mizos being
mistaken
> as South-east Asian tourists in the national capital (cited in Singh,
2004).
> After nearly two decades of a peaceful Mizoram, as Manipuri journalist
> Khogen Singh puts it, Mizos "still don't feel fully at home outside
the
> North-east" (Singh, 2004).
> 3. Hijacking of counter-insurgency: There is evidence
that the
> racial divide sometimes subverts counter-insurgency operations and
they get
> hijacked for other purposes. For instance, it was reported that in
the Karbi
> Anglong district of Assam, Indian security forces, ostensibly there
to deal
> with the security threat posed by insurgencies, became partisans in
local
> land conflicts between tribal Karbi and Hindi-speaking settlers. The
> settlers whom Karbis refer to as Biharis had over time acquired
informal
> control over what is formally designated as public lands and had
> consolidated a "considerable amount of economic and political
power." They
> now seek formal change in the status of those lands and formal land
titles
> (MASS 2002, 11-13). In Karbi Anglong's ethnic configuration and the
growth
> of insurgency, the loss of land by Karbis to "Biharis" is a factor.
Many
> Karbi young people have come under the influence of the United
People's
> Democratic Solidarity (UPDS). But in local armed land conflicts,
because of
> racial solidarity, "Bihari" settlers have occasionally secured the
informal
> backing of Indian security personnel stationed in the area to fight
the UPDS
> (MASS, 2002: 21).
> 4. Facilitating militarisation: The racial divide
facilitates
> the relentless militarisation of the region. Consider for instance,
the
> recommendation to strengthen Indian military presence in Manipur made
by
> E.N. Rammohan -- a senior Indian police official, who was Advisor to
the
> Governor of Manipur. In order to stop the penetration of the
government
> departments by militants, Rammohan recommended that ba! ttalions of
the
> Central Reserve Police Force (CRPF) should guard all government
offices and
> the residential neighborhoods housing central and state government
officials
> in the state. Furthermore, he recommended that ten battalions of the
> Central Para-Military Force (CPMF) be deployed in the Manipur Valley
in a
> "counter-insurgency grid", and six to eight battalions be deployed in
each
> hills district, where roads are few, with "helicopter support to
effectively
> dominate them" (Rammohan, 2002: 15). Were it not for the racial
fault-line
> it is unlikely that such policy options would have been seriously
> considered.
>
> 5. Legitimisation of corruption: The leakage of funds
allocated
> for Northeast India's development can be best described as insurgency
> dividend. The figures are staggering. Jairam Ramesh estimates that
the
> annual expenditure of the Government of India on the eight states of
> Northeast India, including Sikkim, is about 30, 000 crores a year.
With the
> re! gion's population at about 32 million, he estimates that the
Government
> annually spends about 10,000 rupees per person in the Northeast.
This money
> is not going for development. In Ramesh's words, it is going to
>
> ensure cohesiveness of this society with the rest of India
> through a series of interlocutors who happen to be politicians,
expatriate
> contractors, extortionists, anybody but people working to deliver
benefits
> to the people for whom these expenditures are intended.
>
> A surer way of improving the economic conditions of the
intended
> beneficiaries, he suggests, might be for the Indian government to
open bank
> accounts and deposit an annual cheque of Rs. 10,000 for every poor
family in
> the Northeast (Ramesh, 2005: 18-19).
>
> The racial divide facilitates the sharing of the
insurgency
> dividend between local political and bureaucratic elites and outside
> contractors and suppliers. Not unlike western businessmen who justify
> bribing politicians and bureaucrats in the Third World in terms of
local
> norms, the image of the Northeast and its people in this new visual
regime
> is that of a modern frontier where corruption is just a part of the
natural
> landscape. Even the "chinky" students from the Northeast in Delhi,
after
> all, appear more "modern," "westernized" and affluent than many of
their
> mainland peers apparently confirming the corruption-friendly image of
the
> region. It is hardly surprising that when it comes to doing business
in the
> region 'make a fast buck and run' appears to have become accepted
practice.
> Even today's much-lowered levels of inhibition and moral compunctions
do not
> apply to India's modern but wild Northeast Frontier.
> VI
> Things did not have to turn out this way. As an Arunachali
> minister once said at a meeting in Mumbai, "Why can't you think that
in a
> big country like ours a few people may even look Chinese? Come to
Arunachal
> Pradesh, he said, people in areas bordering China will g! reet you by
saying
> Jai Hind" (cited in Das, 2004).
> In everyday conversations Northeasterners resist mainland
> India's representation of the region. But intellectuals, artists and
> activists will have to develop what bell hooks calls an oppositional
gaze.
> Khasi commentator Patricia Mukhim believes that because of its
geographical
> location policy makers in Delhi think of the Northeast primarily in
terms of
> its "strategic importance." The region, she suggests, is treated as
"enemy
> territory, which needs to be subdued by force." But "you cannot buy
> allegiance with force," she warns and calls for 'an entirely new
approach'
> to the region (Mukhim, 2004).
> A new approach must start with the domain of
representation. Our
> policies have an impact on the way the Northeast and its people are
> represented. For instance, softening our international borders --
opening
> up the region on the east and the north, and encouraging close
cross-border
> interaction -- can slowl! y change perceptions. The region seen as a
> gateway to a friendly transnational neighbourhood will evoke very
different
> emotions than those of a frontier or an "enemy territory" -- a
danger zone
> where foreign and domestic enemies conspire against the Indian nation.
> Policies could transform the Southeast Asia within India into a
dynamic
> gateway to the Southeast Asia of world political maps. This could be
the
> foundation for a new social contract between India and its Northeast.
This
> could radically change what it means to look Northeastern in India.
The
> battle for the future of Northeast India is also a battle over images.
> References:
> Bowles, Gordon 1977. The People of Asia. New York:
Scribner.
>
> Das, Arup Jyoti. 2004. "The Half-Indians" (Unpublished
essay)
> Goswami, Uddipana 2004 "Misrecognition" (Unpublished
essay)
> hooks, bell 1992. Black Looks: Race and Representation.
> Cambridge, MA: South End Press
> Keyes, Charles 2002 "Presidential Address: "The Peoples
of Asia"
> - Science and Politics in the Classification of Ethnic Groups in
Thailand,
> China and Vietnam," Journal of Asian Studies 61 (4) November, pp.
1163-1203.
>
> Leshin, Len 2003 "What's in a name The "Mongol" Debate,"
Down
> Syndrome: Health Issues (website) http://www.ds-health.com/name.htm
> (Accessed September 16th 2005)
> Manipur Diaspora. 2004. Manipur_Diaspora at yahoo-groups.com
> Archives, E-mail No. 367.
> MASS (Manab Adhikar Sangram Samiti). 2002. And Quiet
Flows the
> Kopili [A Fact-finding Report on Human Rights Violation in the Karbi
Anglong
> District of Assam] Guwahati: Manab Adhikar Sangram Samiti.
> Mukhim, Patricia. 2004. "Life under Martial Law,"
[Shillong
> Notes]; The Telegraph (Guwahati edition) September 21.
>
> Rai, Aishwarya. 2000. 'I've not come here looking for
fame,'
> Interview by Kanchana Suggu,
> http://www.rediff.com/entertai/2000/mar/29ash.htm (Accessed September
16th
> 2005).
> Ramesh, Jairam 200! 5. "Northeast India in a New Asia,"
Seminar
> (550) June, pp. 17-21.
> Rammohan, E.N. 2002. "Manipur: A Degenerated Insurgency,"
in
> K.P.S. Gill and Ajai Sahni (eds.), Faultlines. Vol. 11, New Delhi:
Bulwark
> Books and the Institute of Conflict Management: 1-15.
> Ray, Sohini. 2005. "Boundary blurred? Folklore/Mythology,
> History and the Quest for an Alternative Geneology in Northeast India"
> (Unpublished manuscript).
> Singh, B.P. (1987a) The Problem of Change: A Study of
Northeast
> India, New Delhi: Oxford University Press.
> Singh, B.P.1987b. "North-East India: Demography, Culture
and
> Identity Crisis," Modern Asian Studies 21 (2): April: 257-82.
> Singh, M. Khogen. 2004. "As Indian as You and I,"
Hindustan
> Times, September 10th 2004.
> Telegraph 2004. "Governor Slaps Spoilt-child Tag on
Northeast,"
> The Telegraph (Guwahati edition) 14 February.
>
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